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Project Document

Social protection systems in Latin America
and the Caribbean: Paraguay

Milena Lavigne

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)

This document was prepared by Milena Lavigne, consultant with the Social Development Division of the Economic
Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), and is part of the series of studies on “Social Protection
Systems in Latin America and the Caribbean”, edited by Simone Cecchini, Social Affairs Officer, and Claudia Robles,
consultant, with the same Division. Luna Gámez, consultant, provided editorial assistance. The author thanks Cameron
Daneshvar for his comments and Héctor Cárdenas for providing information.
The document was produced as part of the activities of the projects “Strengthening social protection” (ROA/149-7) and
“Strengthening regional knowledge networks to promote the effective implementation of the United Nations development
agenda and to assess progress” (ROA 161-7), financed by the United Nations Development Account.
The opinions expressed in this document, which has been reproduced without formal editing, are the sole responsibility of
the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Organization.

LC/W.507
Copyright © United Nations, November 2012. All rights reserved
Printed at United Nations, Santiago, Chile

ECLAC – Project Documents collection

Social protection systems in Latin America and the Caribbean: Paraguay

Contents

Foreword .......................................................................................................................................... 5
I. Introduction: historical context for social protection policies in Paraguay ............................... 7
II. Paraguay: main economic and social indicators ..................................................................... 9
A. Social spending trends ................................................................................................... 11
III. Contributory pensions in Paraguay .......................................................................................... 13
A. Overview of the contributory pension system in Paraguay ............................................ 13
B. Spending on social security and funding of the system ................................................. 14
C. Coverage of the pension system.................................................................................... 15
IV. The health sector in Paraguay ............................................................................................... 17
A. Overview of the health system ....................................................................................... 17
B. Coverage of the health system ...................................................................................... 20
C. Social spending and funding of the health system ......................................................... 20
V. Non-contributory social protection in Paraguay ..................................................................... 23
A. Social pensions .............................................................................................................. 23
B. Social protection programmes focused on indigenous communities ............................ 24
C. Food Security Programmes ........................................................................................... 24
D. Conditional cash transfer programmes in Paraguay ...................................................... 25
1. The Tekoporâ pr ogramme...................................................................................... 25
2. The Abrazo programme.......................................................................................... 26
3. The Ñopytyvô programme ...................................................................................... 26
4. The Sâso Pyahu sys tem......................................................................................... 27
E. Sources of funding and coverage of the programmes ................................................... 28
VI. The education sector in Paraguay ......................................................................................... 29
A. Description of the education sector ................................................................................ 29
B. The Escuela Viva pro gramme to promote education ..................................................... 31
C. Education programmes for young people and adults .................................................... 31
D. Social spending and financing of the education sector.................................................. 32
E. Coverage of the education system................................................................................. 33
VII. The protection of employment in Paraguay ........................................................................... 35

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Social protection systems in Latin America and the Caribbean: Paraguay

VIII. Final remarks ......................................................................................................................... 37
Bibliography ................................................................................................................................... 39
Tables
Table 1
Table 2

Health system providers, responsibilities and competences .................................. 18
Basic conditions for quality of life and objectives
of the Sâso Pyahu System ..................................................................................... 27

Figures
Figure 1 GDP growth rate and GDP per capita, 2003-2010 ................................................... 9
Figure 2 Unemployment and labour informality rates, 1998-2010 ....................................... 10
Figure 3 Poverty, extreme poverty and Gini coefficient, 1999-2010 .................................... 11
Figure 4 Public social spending, 1999-2010 ......................................................................... 12
Figure 5 Evolution of public spending on social security, 1999-2010................................... 15
Figure 6 Children aged less than one year who have been vaccinated against
BCP, OPV3 and SPR, 2005-2009 .......................................................................... 19
Figure 7 Population that does not assist to a medical centre, by causes, 2010 .................. 20
Figure 8 Social spending in health as a percentage of GDP and per capita,
2000-2010 .............................................................................................................. 21
Figure 9 Evolution of public and private spending on healthcare, 2000-2004 .......................... 21
Figure 10
Tekoporâ programme coverage, 2005-2011 .......................................................... 28
Figure 11 Enrollment and graduation rates in primary and secondary school,
by ethnic background, 2008 ................................................................................... 30
Figure 12 languages spoken in Paraguay, 2002 .................................................................... 30
Figure 13 Public spending on education, 1999-2010 ............................................................. 32
Figure 14 Net enrolment rates in primary and secondary school, 2001-2009 ....................... 33

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Social protection systems in Latin America and the Caribbean: Paraguay

Foreword

Simone Cecchini
Claudia Robles
This report is part of a series of national case studies aimed at disseminating knowledge on the current
status of social protection systems in Latin American and Caribbean countries, and at discussing their
main challenges in terms of realizing of the economic and social rights of the population and
achieving key development goals, such as combating poverty and hunger.
Given that, in 2011, 174 million Latin Americans were living in poverty –73 million of which
in extreme poverty– and that the region continues being characterized by an extremely unequal
income distribution (ECLAC, 2012), the case studies place particular emphasis on the inclusion of the
poor and vulnerable population into social protection systems, as well as on the distributional impact
of social protection policies.
Social protection has emerged in recent years as a key concept which seeks to integrate a
variety of measures for building fairer and more inclusive societies, and guaranteeing a minimum
standard of living for all. While social protection can be geared to meeting the specific needs of
certain population groups –including people living in poverty or extreme poverty and highly
vulnerable groups such as indigenous peoples–, it must be available to all citizens. In particular,
social protection is seen a fundamental mechanism for contributing to the full realization of the
economic and social rights of the population, which are laid out in a series of national and
international legal instruments, such as the United Nations’ 1948 Universal Declaration of Human
Rights or the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
These normative instruments recognize the rights to social security, labour, the protection of
adequate standards of living for individuals and families, as well as the enjoyment of greater
physical and mental health and education.
The responsibility of guaranteeing such rights lies primarily with the State, which has to play
a leading role in social protection –for it to be seen as a right and not a privilege–, in collaboration
with three other major stakeholders: families, the market and social and community organizations.
Albeit with some differences due to their history and degree of economic development, many Latin
American and Caribbean countries are at now the forefront of developing countries’ efforts to
establish these guarantees, by implementing various types of transfers, including conditional cash
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Social protection systems in Latin America and the Caribbean: Paraguay

transfer programmes and social pensions, and expanding health protection. One of the key challenges
that the countries of the region face, however, is integrating the various initiatives within social
protection systems capable of coordinating the different programmes and State institutions responsible
for designing, financing, implementing, regulating, monitoring and evaluating programmes, with a
view to achieving positive impacts on living conditions (Cecchini and Martínez, 2011).
Social protection is central to social policy but is distinctive in terms of the social problems it
addresses. Consequently, it does not cover all the areas of social policy, but rather it is one of its
components, together with sectoral policies –such as health, education or housing– and social
promotion policies –such as training, labour intermediation, promotion of production, financing and
technical assistance to micro– and small enterprises. While sectoral policies are concerned with the
delivery of social services that aim at enhancing human development, and promotion policies with
capacity building for the improvement of people’s autonomous income generation, social protection
aims at providing a basic level of economic and social welfare to all members of society. In particular,
social protection should ensure a level of welfare sufficient to maintain a minimum quality of life for
people’s development; facilitate access to social services; and secure decent work (Cecchini and
Martínez, 2011).
Accordingly, the national case studies characterize two major components of social protection
systems –non-contributory (traditionally known as “social assistance”, which can include both
universal and targeted measures) and contributory social protection (or “social security”). The case
studies also discuss employment policies as well as social sectors such as education, health and
housing, as their comprehension is needed to understand the challenges for people’s access to those
sectors in each country.
Furthermore, the case studies include a brief overview of socio-economic and development
trends, with a particular focus on poverty and inequality. At this regard, we wish to note that the
statistics presented in the case studies –be they on poverty, inequality, employment or social
expenditure– do not necessarily correspond to official data validated by the Economic Commission for
Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC).

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Social protection systems in Latin America and the Caribbean: Paraguay

I. Introduction: historical context for social
protection policies in Paraguay

One inescapable landmark of Paraguay’s recent history is the military dictatorship led by Alfredo
Stroessner, a member of the Colorado party, who stayed in power for 35 years, between 1954 and
1989. During this period, matters of poverty and indigence were completely disregarded by the
authorities (Rivarola, 2006, p.365). In May 1989, the country returned to democracy by holding free
elections, and in 1992 a new Constitution was voted establishing the promotion of quality of life as a
universal right. Since then, governments were compelled to face poverty as a major issue.
However, the political and institutional structure of Paraguay after 35 years of authoritarian
regime was weak. Even after the end of the Stroessner government, the State still had the
1
characteristics of what Peter Evans calls a “predator” State,
with the continuity of the Colorado
party’s hegemony at the head of the State for almost 20 years after the end of the dictatorship, as well
as of corruption and pork-barrel practices (Evans 1996, in Richards, 2009). According to Rivarola
(2006), the main changes after dictatorship were economic, with the implementation of neo-liberal
economic policies and the promotion of a large-scale agro-industry (in particular for the production of
soya) that replaced traditional agriculture. These changes created a rural exodus toward cities, with the
resulting increase in urban poverty. However, social reforms were also introduced during this period.
The first social policy reforms implemented with the return to democracy were the education reform
of 1992 and the creation of the Secretariat for Social Action (SAS) in 1995.
The SAS is still today the main instrument for the implementation of social protection and
promotion policies by the Paraguayan government. It coordinates and manages actions oriented
towards the reduction of poverty and the promotion of greater social equity. The SAS also aims to
reduce pork-barrel practices and to improve the transparency of social programmes with the slogan
“poverty does not have any colour” (Rivarola, 2006: 365). Currently, the SAS manages the most
important poverty reduction and social inclusion programmes in the country, such as the conditional
cash transfer (CCT) programmes (Tekoporâ and Ñopytyvô, see section V.C.) and social pensions.
The successive elected governments adopted different plans to reduce poverty and to promote
greater social equity. The government of Luis Gonzalez Macchi (1999-2003) created the Special fund
1

Richards defines the “predator State” as a State devoted to the extraction of resources at the expenses of society
(Richards, 2009, p.385).

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Social protection systems in Latin America and the Caribbean: Paraguay

for the fight against poverty ( Fondo especial de lucha contra la pobreza) and the Social protection
and promotion network (Red de protección y promoción social), following the experiences of Mexico
or Chile. The network consisted in the coordination of different institutions that offered community
services in health, education, nutrition, labour training and social protection (Rivarola; 2006).
The government of Nicanor Duarte Frutos (2003-2007) continued to promote social
protection with the creation in 2004 of the Direction for the strategic plan to fight against poverty
(Dirección del plan de la estrategia de lucha contra la pobreza, DIPLAN), run by the Presidency of
the Republic. In 2005, it also converted the Special fund for the fight against poverty into the Social
equity fund (Fondo de equidad social) in order to better link social and economic policies. But above
all, the plan created the CCT programmes Tekoporâ and Ñopytyvô.
In 2008, the Paraguayan political context changed when Fernando Lugo, candidate of the
Patriotic alliance for change –alternative to the Colorado party–, won the Presidential elections.
Fernando Lugo’s Presidency gave more strength to social policies, increasing the coverage of social
programmes such as Tekoporâ. Under its government, the Social Cabinet of the Presidency was
reorganized through the Decree no. 1799 of 2009. The Social Cabinet became an organisation of the
executive power which has the faculty and capacity for promoting and running the governments
national programmes and public policies in the social sector. The main objectives of the Social
Cabinet are: (i) the adequate coordination between social policy and poverty reduction programmes;
(ii) the strict cooperation and convergence between the executing agencies; (iii) the elaboration of a
strategic agenda shared by public institutions (both local and central) and non government
organizations (NGOs), or other agents from civil society; (iv) the identification of the priority areas of
support from the international cooperation and (v) reaching the best possible coherence between the
social and economic sectors (Decree 1799, 2009).

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Social protection systems in Latin America and the Caribbean: Paraguay

II. Paraguay: main economic and social indicators

Paraguay’s main production sector is agriculture –strongly focused on soybean production– making
the economy quite dependent on climate and environmental changes. Between 2003 and 2008, gross
domestic product (GDP) grew steadily. In 2009, the country suffered a steep decrease in GDP
compared to the previous year (-3.8%), mainly because of an important drought. According to
ECLAC estimations, without considering the agriculture sector, the decrease would have been only
about -0.1%. It must be also considered that despite the fact that the impact of the international
financial crisis on the Paraguayan economy was quite weak, it affected directly the export sector with
a decrease of demand from MERCOSUR countries that constitute Paraguayan main commercial
partners. In 2010, GDP rose 15% (the highest rate in the region), due to excellent climate conditions
and a high production of soybean (see figure 1) (Arroyo, 2011).
FIGURE 1
GDP GROWTH RATE AND GDP PER CAPITA, 2003-2010
(Percentages and US dollars)
20

3 000

2 708
2 840
15

Percentage

1 997
10

5

1 544
978

1 201

2 254

2 000

6.8

1 267

1 500
5.8
1 000

4.3

3.8

4.1

2003

2004

2 500
GDP per capita in US$

15

2.9

0

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

500

-3.8

-5

GDP growing index

GDP per capita (US$)

Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of Central Bank of Paraguay and World Bank indicators [online]
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator.

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Despite the fluctuation of economic growth, unemployment remained quite stable in the
1999-2011 period (see figure 2) and is only slightly higher than the average for Latin America: in
2011, the unemployment rate was 7.5% in Paraguay and 7.0% in the region. Labour informality
(employment in the low productivity sector), instead, is quite high and well above the regional
average. It also impacts more women (65.9% in 2009) than men (53.0% in 2009).
The tertiary economic sector (services) is the one that creates more employment (53.6%),
followed by the primary sector (27.9%) and the secondary (18.5%). The primary sector, however, is
the one that registers the highest rate of informality and consequently, non-affiliation to social
security: in 2010, only 3.5% of primary sector workers were affiliated to social security (ILO, 2011).
The high incidence of informality causes precarious employment and a high proportion of workers
who are not affiliated to any social security or health insurance fund. The rate of non-affiliated
workers to social security in Paraguay was 87% in 2008, which is the highest rate within Latin
American countries.
FIGURE 2
UNEMPLOYMENT AND LABOUR INFORMALITY RATES, 1998-2010
(Percentages)
70
65.4

60

61.7

59.2

61.2

60.1

50

56.5

58.5

40
30
20
9.4

10

10.8

1999

2000

2001

14.7

11.2

10

2003

2004

7.6

8.9

2005

2006

10
0

7.2

7.4

8.2

7.8

7.5

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

6.6
1998

2002

Labour informality index

Unemployment index

Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)Data Base, CEPALSTAT [online] http://websie.eclac.cl/infest/ajax/cepalstat.asp?carpeta=estadisticas.

Paraguay has a very important percentage of its population living in poverty. It is the third
country with the highest poverty rate in Latin America, after Honduras and Nicaragua. According to
data from ECLAC, the incidence of poverty was about 62.6% in 2004 and decreased to 54.8% in
2010. However, the percentage of population living in extreme poverty has remained stable at around
30% in the last ten years, with only a very small decrease between 2004 and 2010, when it passed
from 32.7% to 30.7% (see figure 3). Poverty and extreme poverty are more concentrated in rural
areas: in 2010, in rural areas, the poverty rate was 59% and the extreme poverty rate was 38.8%, while
in urban areas, the poverty rate was 22.8% and the extreme poverty rate, 12.1%. Large socioeconomic inequalities also exist between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples. Indigenous peoples
are much more exposed to poverty: in 2009, 72.9% of indigenous peoples lived in poverty, while this
percentage was considerably lower (41.4%) for non-indigenous people.

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Social protection systems in Latin America and the Caribbean: Paraguay

FIGURE 3
POVERTY, EXTREME POVERTY AND GINI COEFFICIENT, 1999-2010
(Percentages)
0,57

70
62.6

59.7

59

60

0.558

0.558

0,56

56.9

56.9

56

54.8

0.548
50

0,54

Percentage

0.536

0.533

40
31.8
30

31.3

0,55

0,53

0.529

0.528

32.7

31.4
27.6

30.1

30.4

30.7

0,51

0.512

20

0,52

Gini coefficient

60

0,50
10

0,49
0,48

0
1999

2001

2004

2005

2007

Poverty

2008

2009

2010

Extreme poverty

Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)Data Base, CEPALSTAT [online] http://websie.eclac.cl/infest/ajax/cepalstat.asp?carpeta=estadisticas.

Besides high poverty and extreme poverty rates, Paraguay also experiences high –albeit
slightly decreasing– income inequality: the Gini coefficient was about 0.558 in 2001 and decreased to
0.533 in 2010. One of the factors limiting redistribution and the reduction of economic inequalities is
the low level of direct fiscal collection (3.1% of GDP), which is the second lowest in the region after
Haiti. The absence of income taxes has been an important obstacle to increasing fiscal collection.
Paraguay is currently the only country of the region without taxes on the incomes of natural persons.
However, in May 2012, after having been postponed for four years, the Law on Personal Income Tax
(Ley del Impuesto a la Renta Personal, IRP) has been approved by the Chamber of Deputies and
should be soon be ratified by the Senate. Once approved, the new law should enter into force in 2013.

A. Social spending trends
Public spending on the social sector in Paraguay is devoted mostly to education and social security,
while spending on health remains quite low (see figure 4). Education is the social sector where the
Paraguayan government invests the most, although the impacts of this level of spending are not
apparent (see section VI.). Spending on social security is the second priority, mostly through spending
on pensions and the implementation of CCT programmes.

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FIGURE 4
PUBLIC SOCIAL SPENDING, 1999-2010
(Percentages)
14

13.20

12
11.01

10.20
10

9.50

8.80

8

7.30

6

2

4.8

4.7

4.5
4

11.01

3.4

3.7

1.3
0.2

0.09

4.6

4.1

3.8
2.3

1.7

5.3

0.9

2.8

2.6

3.8
2.2

4.6

3.8
2.2

1.5
0.4

0.2

0.4

0.2

0.2

0
1999

2002

2004

Education

Health

2007

Social security

2008

Housing

2009

2010

Total

Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)Data Base, CEPALSTAT [online] http://websie.eclac.cl/infest/ajax/cepalstat.asp?carpeta=estadisticas.

Between 1999 and 2010, public social spending has been quite variable, ranging from 7.3%
of GDP in 2004 to 13.2% of GDP in 2007. However, between 2009 and 2010, it remained stable at
11%. Moreover, public social spending in Paraguay remains below the Latin American average,
both as a percentage of GDP and in per capita terms. Between 2007 and 2008, the average of total
social spending in Paraguay was 11.5% of GDP, while the regional average was 18%; social
spending per capita in Paraguay in 2008 was US$ 135, while the regional average was around US$
880 (ECLAC, 2010, p. 42).

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III. Contributory pensions in Paraguay

The contributory social protection system in Paraguay is composed of a pension system, which will
be analysed in this section, and a national health system, to be analysed in section 4. Hence, the
contributory pension system excludes to a large extent informal workers (both in urban and rural
areas) and persons who do not manage to make contributions to the system. There is also a noncontributory retirement pension or disability pension system (in practice it concerns only the
Chacos war veterans).

A. Overview of the contributory pension system in Paraguay
Paraguay does not have a truly articulated pension system, but rather a group of different entities that
grant coverage to different groups of workers (Bertranou, Marinakis and Reinecke; 2003:35). The public
pension system is administered by numerous funds: the Tax Fund of the Direction of Retirement and
Pensions of the Treasury Ministry ( aja Fiscal, Dirección de Jubilaciones y Pensiones del Ministerio de
C
Hacienda), the Institute of Social Security (nstituto de Previsión Social, IPS), as well as funds
I
administered by municipalities, railways, banks, Parliament, the national administration for electricity
(Administración nacional de electricidad, ANDE) and Itaipú (the bi-national hydroelectric power plant
located between Brazil and Paraguay). There are also six other regulated funds and various private nonregulated funds: retirement funds and mutual societies (Holst, 2003).
The pension system managed by the different public funds is financed through an individual
capitalization regime. As part of this regime, the periodic contributions are managed within
individual accounts. Profits generated by the fund are distributed proportionally among members
and paid into their accounts’ balance. The conditions to access old age pensions are very different
between funds. Within the public sector, the minimum age to receive a pension is set at 62 years.
The contribution period required to redeem a pension ranges between 10 years (Parliamentary and
Itaipú funds) and 20 years (IPS, Bank and Tax funds). Wage-earners pay between 5% and 18% of
their wages, depending on the fund. The three main pension funds in terms of number of affiliated
workers are IPS, Tax Fund and Itaipú.

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(a) Institute of Social Prevision (Instituto de Previsión Social –IPS)
Created in 1943, it is the main organization managing social security for wage earners who
work in the private sector in urban areas. The IPS is an autonomous and independent institution;
however, it is supervised by the executive power through the nomination of the members of the
Administration Council. The IPS provides both retirement pensions and health coverage for its
affiliates and their families, protecting them against diverse risks, including illness, accidents,
maternity, old age and disability. The old age retirement fund is funded by 12.5% of the affiliated
wages. The IPS contributory health insurance that includes illness and maternity is funded by
workers’ contributions (9% of their wage), employers’ contributions (14% of the worker’s wage), as
well as by a contribution made by the State (equivalent to 1.5% of the worker’s wages). In 2011, the
fund managed by the IPS was about US$ 400 million, which is equivalent to 1.1% of GDP (Banco
de Información de los Sistemas de Seguridad Social Iberoamericanos, 2012).

(b) Tax Fund of the Direction of Retirement and Pensions of the Treasury Ministry
It manages social security for public employees (administrative employees, teachers,
professors of the national universities, magistrates and the army and police forces). It covers
accident, illness and maternity risks and provides old age and disability pensions. To have access
to an old age pension, the contributor must be aged 62 or over and must have contributed for at
least 20 years to the fund (except for teachers, who must have made contributions for at least 28
years). Since 2003, the Tax Fund is also in charge of pensions for the disabled and veterans of the
Chaco’s war through the Non-contributory Pensions Direction (
Dirección de pensiones no
contributivas) (see section V).

(c) Itaipú Fund
It was created for the employees of the hydroelectric power plant Itaipú. The Itaipú fund
does not have a capitalization regime or co-payment system for social security in health (see section
IV). It is funded monthly by the company through a special budget for pensions. Yet, old age
pensions are funded by both the company contribution (16%) and 6% of the employees’ wages.

B. Spending on social security and funding of the system
Spending on social security between 1999 and 2010 suffered some punctual, but high fluctuations.
Nevertheless, in per capita terms, this spending has increased slowly from around US$ 48 in 1999 to
US$ 51 in 2010 (see figure 5).
The main spending sectors within social security are the retirement and disability benefits that
correspond to 43% of total social security spending; the other part corresponds to spending on health
and maternity, and labour accidents and work-related illnesses (Banco de información de los Sistemas
de Seguridad Social Iberoamericanos, 2012).

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FIGURE 5
EVOLUTION OF PUBLIC SPENDING ON SOCIAL SECURITY, 1999-2010
(Per capita and as a percentage of GDP)
60
3,4
50
48
40

3,2
3,1
45

42

2,7

2,5
2,3

2,7
42

51

51

42

3
2,5
2

33
29

1,5

20

1

0,9
10

4
3,5

3,07

38

34

30

3,8

3,8

3,7

11

0,5

0

0
1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

Public spending on social security per cápita
Public spending on social security as a % of GDP
Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)Data Base, CEPALSTAT [online] http://websie.eclac.cl/infest/ajax/cepalstat.asp?carpeta=estadisticas.

C. Coverage of the pension system
Paraguay has the lowest rate of coverage of social security and pensions in Latin America. In 2008,
coverage of the pension system was about 13% of the Paraguayan occupied population. Within the
public sector, almost the totality of workers is covered by a pension fund, but in the private sector,
coverage is only about 30% of workers (40% in urban areas and less than 15% in rural areas).
The Tax Fund of the Direction of Retirement and Pensions of the Treasury Ministry and the
2
IPS include around 91% of the population that is covered by a contributory social pension. The other
six regulated private funds cover 5% of the insured population, and private non-regulated funds cover
the remaining 4% of the insured population (Holst, 2003).

2

According to 2003 data by the Technical Secretariat for Planning (Secretaria técnica de planificación de la
Presidencia de la República de Paraguay).

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IV. The health sector in Paraguay

A. Overview of the health system
3

The health system in Paraguay is regulated by the Law 1032/96,
which defines that healthcare
services can be offered through public, private and mixed subsectors. The health system also offers
health insurance services.
The public health system is managed and financed by the Public Health and Social Welfare
Ministry (Ministerio de Salud Pública y Bienestar Social) and it is regulated by the Superintendence of
Health. The public health system is composed by the services run by the IPS, the army and police forces
and the national University of Asunción Health department. On the other hand, the private health sector
is composed of profit and non-for-profit organizations, and the Itaipú. There are also mixed
organizations like the Red Cross of Paraguay. The articulation between the public and the private sectors
is led by the National Health Council ( onsejo Nacional de Salud) (Decree No 22.385-98). The Decree
C
19.966-98 established the administrative decentralization of the health system, creating the Local
Councils of Health (Consejos Locales de Salud) –under the tutelage of the National Health Council–, in
order to improve the equity of health access in the different geographic areas.
The superposition of functions and the lack of coordination between the different
organizations have created an unequal distribution of services between different geographical areas in
the country. To face these inequalities, Paraguay has set up a specialized medical and health offer for
indigenous communities. It is composed by medical assistance, medical emergency assistance, mental
health, social welfare and improvement of drinking water and sanitation systems in rural areas
(Arriagada, Aranda and Miranda, 2005, p. 42).
There are also other social health insurance systems offered by cooperatives in rural areas, for
informal workers and wage earners or indigenous populations who are not covered by the main health
insurance funds. These cooperative insurances have different organizational structures: some work as
mutual insurances; others, like small funds or revolving funds, i.e. funds that remain available to
finance new demands, in case of need. The main cooperative insurances are the Paraguayan Workers
Confederation Health Service ( Servicio de Salud de la Confederación Paraguaya de Trabajadores)
that counts with around 30,000 adherents and the Credits and Savings Cooperative for Doctors
(COOMECIPAR), that counts with 8,000 members (Holst, 2003).
3

The decree 19.996/1998 regulates the decentralization of the health system.

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In 2001, the resolution No. 360 established the National Medicines Policy ( Política nacional
de medicamentos) that seeks to improve the equitable access and use of basic and essential medicines
for the entire population. It also aims to stimulate the production of medicines through better
integration of the public and private sectors.
TABLE 1
HEALTH SYSTEM PROVIDERS, RESPONSIBILITIES AND COMPETENCES
Subsystems
Public

Semi-public Special regime

Private

Provider

Ministry of
Public Health
and Social
Welfare
(MSPBS),
University
Hospitals.

Armed forces
health system.

Social Security
Institute (IPS).

Itaipú fund.

Private
insurances.

Private
services.

Covered
population

Universal
coverage; but
used mainly
by noninsured
population
(indigents,
unemployed
and their
families).

Army and
police forces
workers and
their families.

Active workers
(independent
and dependent)
that contribute
to IPS and
their families,
Chaco’s war
disabled and
veterans.

Itaipú
employees and
their families.

Active workers
(dependent and
independent)
and passive
that contribute
to medical
insurances.

Non-active
population.

Source of
financing

Fiscal
contributions;
co-payments
of users.

Fiscal
contributions;
co-payments of
users.

Obligatory
health
contribution of
workers (9% of
their wages);
co-payments of
users.

Special budget
of the Itaipú
company for
social security
in health.

Contribution of
workers.
Insured users’
co-payments.

Users’ direct
payment.

Financing
management

State

State

IPS

Itaipú

Private Private

Benefits Universal
rehabilitation
and medical
attention;
health
protection
and
promotion.

Health
protection and
promotion;
rehabilitation
and medical
attention for
the police and
military staff.

Recovery,
rehabilitation
and medical
attention;
accidents
benefits;
medical
licenses for
sickness;
medicines
supply.

Recovery,
rehabilitation
and medical
attention;
medicines
supply.

Recovery and
rehabilitation.

Recovery and
rehabilitation.

Health
services
provision

Public, through
the health
services run by
the army and
police.

Semi public
through IPS
medical
centres and in
some cases,
private
services and
public from
MSPBS.

Own, through
the Itaipú binational
Hospital.

Private,
through
professional
services and
private health
institutions.

Private,
mainly
through own
institutions.

Public,
through the
services of
the Health
Ministry.

Source: Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, Health National System, World Health Organization (WHO), 2008.

An important problem for public health in the country is the fragility of the drinking water and
the sanitation system infrastructure. According to the World Health Organization (WHO, 2007: 23), in
2003 about 39.2% of the population did not have access to drinking water. This proportion was much

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higher in rural areas (67.2%) than in urban areas (2.8% in Asunción). The situation has improved and in
2008 86% of the Paraguayan population had access to improved drinking water. The sanitation system
infrastructure has also improved between 2000, when only 58% of the population had an access to
sanitation system facilities, and 2008, when 70% of the population had access to sanitation system
facilities (WHO, 2011).
Child health is an important issue for Paraguay. The coverage of a basic packet of
immunization and vaccination for children has decreased since 2005 (see figure 6). According to
WHO, in 2009 the percentage of children vaccinated against measles, rubella, mumps vaccine (SPR)
was about 72.7%, while it was 87.8% in 2005. The government of Paraguay is now trying to improve
childhood healthcare through the establishment of specific programmes for indigenous peoples and
4
the Tekoporâ and Abrazo programmes (section V). In spite of government’s efforts and results,
it
seems that the country will not achieve the fourth Millennium Development Goal on child mortality.
FIGURE 6
CHILDREN AGED LESS THAN ONE YEAR WHO HAVE BEEN VACCINATED
AGAINST BCP, OPV3 AND SPR, 2005-2009 a
(Percentages)
90
88

87.8

87.7
86.1

86

86.9

84

85.3
84.9

82
80.1
80
78

78.2

77
78

76.2

76

75.5
74
2005

2007

BCG

2008

OPV3

2009

SPR

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from World Health Organization (2011).
a
BCG = Bacillus of Calmette-Guérin (tuberculosis) vaccine; OPV3= third doses of anti-poliovirus vaccine; SPR=
measles, rubella, mumps vaccine.

4

A 2008 evaluation made by FAO on the impact of Tekoporâ on malnutrition shows an improvement of the situation
with the increase of consumption of eggs, fresh vegetables and dairy products (Barrios, 2008).

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B. Coverage of the health system
The public health system is supposed to have a universal coverage, but the reality is quite different.
Still, coverage of the public subsector has increased over time, and has passed to attend mainly the
population from the second to the fourth quintile of the income distribution in 2003, to attend mainly
lower-income population in 2004 (from the first to the third quintile) (WHO, 2008).
There are still great coverage gaps and inequalities in public health access: according to the
national census, in 2010 only 23.4% of the Paraguayan population had a medical insurance, the lowest
percentage in Latin America excluding Haiti. The urban population has a higher coverage than the
rural population: in 2010, 34% of urban population had a medical insurance, while only 8.1% of rural
population had a medical insurance (DGEEC, 2011). Out of the total insured population, 16.4% was
covered by the IPS and 7% was covered by private health insurances.
Moreover, according to the Public Health and Social Welfare Ministry, in 2010, 28% of the
persons who suffered an accident, did not attend a medical centre. The main reasons are the lack of
health insurance and auto medication (see figure 7).
FIGURE 7
POPULATION THAT DOES NOT ASSIST TO A MEDICAL CENTRE,
BY CAUSES, 2010
(Percentages)
90
76.6

80
70

69.9

60
50
40
30
18.5

20
10

3.5

2.7

0
Automedication

Mild illnessFinancial reasonsGeographical
reasons

3.3
Time reasonsPopulation without
health insurance

Source: General Direction of Statistical, Surveys and Censuses (DGEEC) (2011).

C. Social spending and funding of the health system
Paraguay is among the Latin American countries with the lowest public spending on the health sector
(Arriagada, Aranda and Miranda, 2005), which is also quite low compared to spending on other social
sectors ,in particular education and social security (see figure 4). Furthermore, social spending on health
has increased between 2000 and 2010, from about 3.4% to 4.5% of GDP. In per capita terms, public
spending on health has doubled, increasing from US$ 15 to US $ 30 between 2000 and 2010 (see figure 8).
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FIGURE 8
SOCIAL SPENDING IN HEALTH AS A PERCENTAGE OF GDP
AND PER CAPITA, 2000-2010
(Percentages and US$)
35

5,0
4,5

30
30

4,0

Percentages

3,0

3.4
20

2.9

2,5

15

2,0

23

21

14

2.6

25
3.5

2.2

20

2.7
15

12

13

1,5

2.7

2.5

2.3

3.4
20

18

US$

3,5

30

4.5

10

1,0
5

0,5

0

0,0
2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

Public spending in health as % of GDP

2007

2008

2009

2010

Public spending in health per capita in US$

Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)Data Base, CEPALSTAT [online] http://websie.eclac.cl/infest/ajax/cepalstat.asp?carpeta=estadisticas.

Between 2000 and 2004, healthcare in Paraguay was financed mainly through the private
sector, which accounted on average for 64.4% of total expenses. Public resources contributed to the
remaining 35.6% of total expenses. Furthermore, public spending on health decreased during the
2000-2004 period, giving more importance to the private sector (see figure 9).

80

FIGURE 9
EVOLUTION OF PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SPENDING ON HEALTHCARE, 2000-2004
67,2

70

63,1

60
50,6
50

49
45,5

45,1

40

34,3

30

25,8

23,1

26,7

20
10
0
2000

2001

2002

Public spending in health per capita

2003

Private spending in health per capita

Source: World Health Organization (2008).

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V. Non-contributory social protection in Paraguay

Non-contributory social protection and promotion in Paraguay includes social pensions, programmes
focused on indigenous communities and CCT programmes such as Tekoporâ, Abrazo and Ñopytyvo.
Beginning in 2012, the implementation of the Sâso Pyahu system as part of the Public Policy
for Social Development 2010/2020 Paraguay for all ( Política pública para el desarrollo social
2010/2020 Paraguay para todos y todas) will aim to improve the efficiency of social protection
policies and to spread their coverage in order to deal better with the multidimensional aspects of
poverty and indigence.

A. Social pensions
The Constitution of the Republic of Paraguay stipulates that every elderly person has the right to
integral social protection. However, in practice the access to a non-contributory pension is very low.
In 2004, the Paraguayan government created a non-contributory pension system that is completely
independent from the contributory pension system. Until 2003, this system was regulated by the
Social Action Secretariat (SAS), but since 2011 it is regulated by the Direction of Non-Contributory
Pensions of the Ministry of Treasury ( Dirección de pensiones no contributivas del Ministerio de
Hacienda). Its main goal is to administer pensions for vulnerable populations. The beneficiaries of
non-contributory pensions are elderly living in poverty, persons belonging to vulnerable indigenous
communities and war veterans and disabled of the Chaco’s war and their heirs.
The food pension for older adults in poverty situation (
Pensión alimentaria para adultos
mayores en situación de pobreza) was established by the Law No. 3728 of 2009 and implemented in
2011. It consists of a monthly income (equivalent to a quarter of the minimum salary: about US$ 98.5
in 2011) destined to older adults –aged more than 65 years– who live in poverty. Moreover, since
2012, the programme has been extended to indigenous persons aged more than 65, without any
necessity to prove their poverty situation. The government recognizes the vulnerability of indigenous
peoples in Paraguay, as well as the difficulties in verifying age and other information because of the
weakness of official statistics. The programme reached 25.000 persons in 2011 and currently covers
31.454 persons with a budget of 232 billion Guarani (around US$ 550 million) (Ministry of Treasury,
2012). The goal is to cover 50.000 persons by the end of 2012.

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The programme for veterans and disabled of the Chaco’s
war aims to improve health and
nutrition of older adults that participated at the Chaco’s war and live in a situation of extreme poverty
and social exclusion. The programme has three components: (i) a monetary transfer (since 2009 of
5
about US$ 241 per month); (ii) the control of co-responsibilities (living in a caring environment
surrounded by persons who have been identified by the programme – in general the families–, having
access to medicines, decent hygienic conditions and basic nutrition); and (iii) social services that
provide materials such as wheelchairs. According to the SAS, in 2009 the programme covered 2,478
persons. However, it has been identified that these persons often are exploited by their family
6
members to receive a social State pension and then are abandoned to their chance.

B. Social protection programmes focused
on indigenous communities
The integral plan for indigenous peoples is destined to indigenous communities in conditions of
vulnerability. The programme aims to cover over 70 communities from the regions of Caaguazú and
Canindeyú. In these regions live Avá Guaraní, Mbyá Guaraní, Aché and Paî Tavyterá peoples. The
goal of the programme is to improve the nutrition and the sanitary conditions of theses populations.
The programme has various components:
(i) The provision of a food basket composed of products that the communities cannot
produce during four months. This provision helped 11,286 families of the Oriental
Region in 2009 (SAS, 2010)
(ii) Installation of wells in communities that suffer lack of water or are exposed to water
resources contamination
(iii) Promotion of communitarian production, self sufficiency and commercialization of craftwork.

C. Food Security Programmes
Malnutrition and food security are important issues for Paraguay, closely linked to poverty and social
development. Child malnutrition indicators are particularly worrying: according to UNICEF, in 2005,
14.2% of children suffered chronic malnutrition. This problem is particularly acute among indigenous
children, 41.8% of which suffered chronic malnutrition.
To face this issue, the government of Paraguay created in 2005 the Nutritional and Alimentation
Assistance Programme (Programa de Asistencia Alimentaria y Nutricional, PROAN) through the
Presidential Decree no 5.273. This programme was implemented by the Ministry of Health and Social
Welfare, with the objective of reducing malnutrition among children under five. The programme
consisted on a food assistance support through the delivery of a food and vitamins basket to children
under five and pregnant women at risk of malnutrition (Martínez and Fernández, 2009). In 2009, the
programme covered 12,522 beneficiaries in 45 districts with a budget of US$ 4,539,104 (Ministry of
Health and Social Welfare, 2009). In 2011, the programme was integrated to the National Institute for
Food and Nutrition (Instituto Nacional de Alimentación y Nutrición, INAN), whose name was changed
to Food and Nutrition Integral Programme ( rograma Alimentario Nutricional Integral, PANI).
P
Furthermore, the National Plan for Food and Nutritional Sovereignty and Security (
Plan
Nacional de Soberanía y Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional del Paraguay, PLANAL) was
established in 2009 by the Decree No 2879 under the supervision of the Social Cabinet with the
5
6

Estimation based on US$ of 2009.
See [online] http://www.sas.gov.py/xhtml/DGPSyDH/dgpsydh_dadulmayores.html.

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cooperation of the FAO. It aims to reach universal access to food and alimentation in 2025, through
the development of seven objectives: (i) to strengthen food production capacities for risks population;
(ii) to guarantee food access to the most vulnerable sectors of population; (iii) to improve food use and
consumption habits of the population; (iv) to generate positive changes in the cultural system related
to issues of sovereignty and food security; (v) to improve the educative and human development
system through nutritional education; (vi) to strengthen institutions in the health and nutrition sectors;
and (vii) to improve and stabilize food provision and access. The PLANAL works through the
implementation of three new programmes: the National Programme of Food Security Sovereignty for
Familiar Agriculture ( Programa Nacional de Soberanía y Seguridad Alimentaria para la Agricultura
Familiar, PRONSADAF), the National Programme of Food Security Sovereignty and Development of
Indigenous Economy and Agriculture ( Programa Nacional de Soberanía y Seguridad Alimentaria y
Desarrollo de la Agricultura y Economía Indígena, PRONSADAI) and the National Programme for
the Development of Organic and Agroecologic Production ( Programa Nacional de Fomento de la
Producción Orgánica y Agroecológica, PRONAOR). It also aims to improve three existing
programmes: the National Programme for Nutrition and Food Safety (Programa Nacional de
Nutrición, Alimentación e Inocuidad, PRONAIN), the National Programme of Social Protection and
Inclusion ( Programa Nacional de Protección e Inclusión Social, PRONAPRIS) and the National
Programme of Education Strengthening for Food and Nutritional Sovereignty and Security (Programa
Nacional de Fortalecimiento de la Educación para la Soberanía y Seguridad Alimentaria y
7
Nutricional, PRONAFED). Through its six programmes, the PLANAL aims to cover 335.000
households in 2013 with a four years budget (2009-2013) of 659.7 million US$.

D. Conditional cash transfer programmes in Paraguay
1. The Tekoporâ programme
The Tekoporâ conditional cash transfer (CCT) programme was created in 2005 by a Presidential
Decree, as part of the social protection initiatives of the Paraguayan government that included also the
creation of the Propais II and the Ñopytyvo programmes. It is managed by the Secretariat of Social
Action (SAS) under the tutelage of the Office of the President of the Republic.
Tekoporâ is targeted to vulnerable populations living in extreme poverty, with a focus on
pregnant women, children, older adults, indigenous communities and disabled persons. In 2011, it
reached 115,960 households. The main objectives of Tekoporâ are pulling the new generations out of
poverty and providing social protection to older adults and disabled persons. To reach these goals, the
programme has been constructed around four main elements:
(i) A bimonthly food support transfer of US$ 19 that aims to improve the nutrition of
children from an early age, together with the promotion of breastfeeding
(ii) A bimonthly transfer for education and health, which –according to family composition–
can reach from US$ 8.3 to US$ 33.3. The transfer is conditional on children and
adolescents fulfilling regular school attendance (at least 85% of school attendance) as
well as attending healthcare centres and accomplishing with controls and vaccinations.
Pregnant women must attend ante-natal and post-natal check-ups. The education support
transfer also provides a literacy programme for adults. The health component includes an
immunization plan for children
(iii) A bimonthly transfer of US$ 8.3 for older adults and disabled persons living in poverty,
conditional on the regular attendance to health controls
7

For thorough information about the PLANAL and its sub-programmes, see FAO and STP (2009) : Plan Nacional
de Soberanía y Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional del Paraguay, vol. I Documento Principal [online]
http://www.stp.gov.py/?mid=publicacion_publicopage=2document_srl=10673.

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(iv) Family support through the regular visits of agents that visit families to check the
fulfilment of co-responsibilities and to provide information and orientation in order to
improve their habitat, hygienic practices, and access to health and food. They also help
families to access different public services.
Transfers are granted through both magnetic cards and cash delivery, paid directly to the
mother of the beneficiary family or to the direct beneficiary in the case of older adults or disabled
persons. The maximum monthly transfer amount per household is US$ 68.9 (ECLAC, 2011b).

2. The Abrazo programme
The Abrazo programme was created in 2005, and in 2009 reached 1,108 families and 1,538 children. It
aims to combat child labour among children living in poverty and extreme poverty. The programme
started from the observation that chronic child malnutrition and the lack of health access for poor
children restrains their psycho-social and physical development. These elements constitute an obstacle to
the reduction of poverty and have to be fought from an early age to prevent the reproduction of poverty
and extreme poverty. The focus on children is thus seen as an investment for the future economic and
social development of the most vulnerable population. The
Abrazo programme has four components:
(i) The fixed solidarity bonus, which consists in a monthly transfer. In 2009, it varied
between US$ 26.2 and US$ 44.3 depending on the number of children under 14 in the
households. The transfer is given to the mothers of the beneficiary families to supply for
lost income from child labour
(ii) The implementation of health centres that offer paediatric and dental services, as well as
healthcare for pregnant women. It also implements actions towards the spread of
immunization coverage for children
(iii) The establishment of “open protection centres” where children go outside school hours
when there are not adults supervising them at home (for children between 6 and 14, but
also for babies and younger children)
(iv) A nutrition support through the offer of a equilibrate food basket for the beneficiary
families and provision of lunch and afternoon snacks for children. According to ECLAC,
in 2009, 317 families received the food basket (ECLAC, 2011b).
The programme includes co-responsibilities, such as the improvement of child nutrition and
health, through visits to medical centres. Children also have to fulfil an 85% rate of school attendance
and avoid working. Abrazo has also established a component called BANSOCIAL that provides
income generation alternatives for families through micro-credit facilities and help in the search for
work opportunities (ILO and SAS, 2007).

3. The Ñopytyvô programme
8

The Ñopytyvô programme was created in 2005 by the same Presidential Decree that created the
Tepokorâ programme. It is coordinated by the SAS and funded by national resources.
Ñopytyvô is a CCT programme targeted to indigenous communities and peasants of the Alto
Paraguay region, with a special focus on the Maskoy community, whether living in urban areas or in
rural settlements. Programme beneficiaries are families with children under 14 years of age or
pregnant women living in extreme poverty. The co-responsibility of beneficiaries consists in
improving nutrition, education and health habits, and it has also a component of community work (i.e.
construction of a community vegetable gardens and cleaning neighbourhoods). According to SAS, the
programme reaches 700 families or 3,774 persons –about a third of which are children under 12 years
of age. Of these families, about 215 belong to the Maskoy indigenous community.
8

Ñopytyvô is a term in Guarani which means reciprocal help.

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4. The Sâso Pyahu system
Sâso Pyahu is a new social protection system that will start in 2012, focused on the reduction of
vulnerability among the population living in poverty and extreme poverty. It takes in consideration the
multiple aspects of poverty (such as the context and the family dynamics within households,
identification, education, nutrition, health and housing) in order to combat it efficiently.
The Sâso Pyahu system pursues the strengthening of the already existent social protection
programmes, in order to guarantee the offer of social goods and services to the most vulnerable
population, giving them a preferential access to social services. It also aims to improve the coordination
and management of the different institutions in charge of social services such as the SAS, the Ministry of
Education and Culture and the Ministry of Health, and to increase funding for social protection and
promotion. It is coordinated by the Social Cabinet of the Presidency, but includes the participation of
NGOs and private companies. The programme places a special emphasis on the role of municipalities
and local governments in its implementation, with the idea that decentralization gives a better control of
the programme action through the knowledge of specific needs of local population.
Sâso Pyahu is constituted by three main axes of action: (i) improving social protection and
promotion programmes that already exist, in particular CCTs (
Tekoporâ, Ñopytyvô, Abrazo); (ii)
implementing family monitoring and caring programmes; and (iii) facilitating the access to social
promotion programmes. The Sâso Pyahu system will organize and implement the public offer of social
services taking into account specific goals that concern the different dimensions of poverty (see table 2). It
will cover first households that are already receiving benefits from the
Tekoporâ and Abrazo programmes.
TABLE 2
BASIC CONDITIONS FOR QUALITY OF LIFE AND OBJECTIVES
OF THE SÂSO PYAHU SYSTEM
Dimensions Basic conditions for quality of life
Identity

All newborns must have their birth certificate.
All family members must have their birth certificate and a valid identity document.

Food security All families, both in urban and rural areas, must be integrated into food security programmes.
All children under 5 must receive nutritional support.
Health

All pregnant women have to attend to antenatal checks and an institutional birth.
All children under 6 must have their vaccines and health controls updated.
All the persons suffering diabetes and arterial hypertension must receive a special treatment and medical control.
Disabled persons have to be taken in charge by the responsible institution.
Older adults must have their medical checks updated.

Education

All children under 18 must have access and regular attendance to school (at least until the end of third grade).
All children under 18 benefit of a utensils basket, grant or any other programme of school attendance.
All adults must have access to literacy programmes if they need it.

Income creation All young adults that need to improve their employability must have access to labour insertion
programmes, temporal employment and labour training.
All young adults have preferential access to government programmes and projects to improve their
incomes.
All families might receive co-responsibility cash transfers.
Older age persons (65 and above) and disabled persons can receive co-responsibility cash transfers.
Housing

Families’ houses must have at least two rooms, one of these being a bedroom.
All the families’ members must have their own bed.
All the families’ houses must have a bathroom, stove and floor.
All the families must have access to drinking water and sanitation system and to rubbish collection.

Source: Social Cabinet of the Presidency of the Republic (2011).

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E. Sources of funding and coverage of the programmes
Since Tekoporâ was created, its budget has sharply increased from US$ 1,876,850 in 2006 to
US$ 44,629,448 in 2011. The programme is mainly financed by the Inter-American Development Bank
(IDB), the World Bank and other bilateral and multilateral donors (Cecchini and Madariaga, 2011, p.180).
The coverage of the programme has also increased over time. In 2005, it covered 17,605
persons, while in 2009, with the arrival of Fernando Lugo at the Presidency of the Republic, the
coverage of Tekoporâ had spread to 522,374 persons. In 2011, the programme covered 498,628
persons (19.4% of the population living in poverty) (see figure 10).
The Abrazo programme has a much lower coverage, as in 2009, only 1,904 persons were part
of it. Its budget for 2009 was US$ 2,479,766 and its main source of funding is the UNICEF special
fund for childhood.
In 2011, theÑopytyvô programme covered 700 families. It had a budget of US$ 232,554 with the
same sources of funding than
Tekoporâ (IDB, World Bank and other bilateral and multilateral donors).
FIGURE 10
TEKOPORÂ PROGRAMME COVERAGE, 2005-2011
(Number of persons)
600
554,484
522,347
500

498,628

400

300

200

100

0

17,605
2005

2006

68,83

45,771

45,074
2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

Number of people covered by Tekoporâ
Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of Economic Comission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC),
“Non Contributive Social Protection Programe in Latin America and the Caribbean Data Base” [online]
http://dds.cepal.org/bdptc/.

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VI. The education sector in Paraguay

A. Description of the education sector
The education system in Paraguay has been shaped by the reform implemented during the democratic
transition, under the general law of Education N° 1264. The Ministry of Education and Culture
regulates the education system. In its ministerial resolution number 15, it establishes the
implementation of a Primary School Education Plan (
Plan de Educación Escolar Básica, EEB),
making education obligatory and universal (UNESCO-OEI, 2010, p.24).
The education sector in Paraguay is composed of a public and a private sector, financed by
the national budget and out-of-pocket disbursements, respectively. The large majority of children
attend public school: according to UNESCO, between 2006 and 2008, only 28% of the Paraguayan
children attended private school at the pre-school level, 17% at the primary education level and 20%
in secondary education. The education system is structured in four cycles:
(i) Pre-school education, for children between 0 and 5 years in nursery schools. It is divided
in three cycles: the first, for children aged between 0 and 3; the second, for children
between 3 and 4; and the third for 5 years old children
(ii) Primary school education, for children aged between 6 and 14 years of age. This cycle is
obligatory, universal and free. It is composed by nine grades divided in three cycles of
three years
(iii) Middle education (secondary school), for young people aged 15 to 17 years of age. Secondary
school has been included in 1998 to the EEB and is obligatory, universal and free
(iv) Higher education for people from 18 years and above.
The main challenges for the education system in Paraguay are inequality of access, low
attendance in secondary education (Opertti, 2010, p.59), the cultural and linguistic variations of the
different groups that constitute the Paraguayan society, and the quality of education. The inequalities
in attendance mirror socio-economic inequalities between different population groups, as well as the
gap between indigenous and non indigenous and afro descendent communities. Indigenous peoples
and afro-descendant communities have a lower school attendance in primary school and, especially, in
secondary education than the non-indigenous people. Figure 11 shows that 83% of children who
belong to indigenous peoples completed primary education in 2008, while 94% of non-indigenous
children completed it. Furthermore, the attendance rate in secondary education is 71% for indigenous
peoples, while it is 92% for non indigenous persons.
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FIGURE 11
ENROLLMENT AND GRADUATION RATES IN PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOL,
BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND, 2008
(Percentages)
100

98

96

94

95

92

90
83

85
80
75

71
70
65
60
Net enrollment rate in primary
education

Rate of graduation in primary
education

Indigenous and Afro-descendants

Net erollment rate in secondary
education

Non indigenas or Afro-descendants

Source: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Social Panorama of Latin America
2010 (LC/G.2481-P), Santiago, Chile. United Nations Publication, Sales No. S.10.II.G.6, 2010.

The bilingual education reforms of 1994 and 2006 established the use of both Spanish and
Guaraní as official languages in the education system. This reform intends to improve the quality and
pedagogy of learning, but it has also an equity goal: to reduce the inequalities between Spanish
speakers and Guaraní speakers. In fact, according to the national census of 2002, 59% of the
population of Paraguay declares being Guaraní speakers, 37.5% declares to be Spanish speakers and
5.1% declares being speakers of other languages (see figure 12).
FIGURE 12
LANGUAGES SPOKEN IN PARAGUAY, 2002
(Percentages)
120
100
80

2,4

8,4

5,1

42,9
59

60
82,7
40
54,7
20

37,5
8,9

0
Urban areas

Spanish speakers

Rural areas

Guaraní speakers

Source: National census on population and housing, 2002.

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Whole country

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Regarding access to school by the native population, in 2007, the Law n° 3231 created the
General Direction for Native School Education ( Dirección General de Educación Escolar Indígena),
as part of the Ministry of Education. This Direction aims to ensure a specific education for indigenous
communities that promotes their identity and respects their culture and community norms and values.
It also aims to improve inclusion and participation of indigenous peoples in national life and enhance
their knowledge concerning how to defend their interests.
The quality of education is another great challenge for Paraguay. In fact, the 2005 Second
Comparative and Explicative Regional Assessment (SERCE, 2005), showed that, despite the good
level of attendance rates, indicators assessing skills in mathematics and reading (for pupils from third
to sixth grade) are well below the regional average.

B. The Escuela Viva programme to promote education
The programme Escuela Viva (Hekokatuva) which started in 2001, aims to improve the access and
permanence in basic school of vulnerable populations. The programme tries to decrease the gap
between rural and urban areas and between different socio-economic groups. More precisely, the
programme has six objectives:
(i) to improve the pedagogic process in basic school
(ii) to fight inequalities in the educative system
(iii) to improve access to secondary education
(iv) to promote the participation of parents in school life
(v) to improve the initial formation of teachers
(vi) to strength management practices at the Ministry of Education and Culture.
In 2007, the programme benefited 150 urban schools, 1,000 rural schools and 27 indigenous
schools (UNDP, 2007, p. 18).
Indicators of desertion and repetition in schools that participate in the
Escuela Viva
programme show that the programme has had an important and positive impact. According to the
Ministry of Education and Culture, between 2001 and 2007, the repetition rate decreased from 10% to
7% in rural schools and from 6.5% to 3% in urban schools. The rate of desertion also decreased from
5.4% to 3.4% in rural schools and from 5% to 3% in urban schools (Programa Escuela Viva, 2008).
After the success of the Escuela Viva programme, the government decided to continue and
implement a second phase called  Escuela Viva II that started in 2008. The aim is to improve the
results of Escuela Viva and to spread its coverage to more schools in rural areas, by implementing
infrastructure for the 1,000 schools that are already covered by the programme and extending it to
1,700 additional schools. In urban areas, the actions will be more focused on decreasing repetition
rates. The programme also covers indigenous schools and aims to improve bilingual education (IDB
project resolution, 2007). The IDB is the main source of funding of the programme that has a budget
of US$ 45 million.

C. Education programmes for young people and adults
In 2007, the illiteracy rate of the Paraguayan population aged 15 and above was 5.2%. The rate is
much lower among non-indigenous population (5.4%) than among indigenous peoples and afro
descendent communities (38.9%) (Social Cabinet of the Presidency, 2009).

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Illiteracy among adults has also become a social issue in the fight against poverty in
Paraguay, as people with low levels of education are excluded from the productive system and the
labour market. For this reason, the government started literacy programmes for young people (15
years and above) and adults.
The Paraguay reads and writes programme is the main education programme for adults. It is
composed by a formal literacy component and an informal one. The formal literacy component consists
in adult classes that follow the EEB (from first cycle to fourth). The informal literacy component offers
eight-month courses to teach reading, writing and mathematics to young persons and adults. The
principle is to create discussion groups working around four thematic areas: citizenship participation,
communitarian organization, human rights recognition and work and production.
This programme is complementary to
Tekoporâ and Abrazo . About 85,000 persons are
targeted by the programme; however, in 2011, it covered only 15,961 persons aged 15 and above
(Paraguay para todos y todas, 2011).

D. Social spending and financing of the education sector
Education constitutes the social sector with the highest public spending (see figure 13) which was
about 42.3% of total social spending in 2010. Spending on education has remained quite stable since
2000. As figure 13 shows, it represented around 4.8% of GDP in 2000 and 4.6% in 2010. In per capita
terms, public spending in education has also not suffered many fluctuations, as it was US$ 63 in 1999
and US$ 62 in 2010.
FIGURE 13
PUBLIC SPENDING ON EDUCATION, 1999-2010
(Percentages and US$)
6
63

64

54

51

50

4

Percentages

63

61

62

62

57

60
50

44

3
2

70

40
4,5

4,8

4,7
3,7

3,2

3,9

3,7

4,1

4,6
3,9

4,6

3,9

US$

5

80

71

30
20

1

10

0

0
1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

Public spending in education as % of GDP
Public spending in education per capita
Linear (Public spending in education as % of GDP)
Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
(ECLAC)-Data Base, CEPALSTAT [online] http://websie.eclac.cl/infest/ajax/cepalstat.asp?carpeta=estadisticas.

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E. Coverage of the education system
The Constitution establishes education as universal and compulsory. Accordingly, education is the
social sector where the government of Paraguay invests most efforts. The net enrolment rate is quite
equal between male and female pupils. However, even if Paraguay has made important progress in the
evolution of enrolment rates since the end of dictatorship, the coverage of the education system in the
country does not reach the whole population in age to be enrolled at school, especially in the case of
secondary school. In fact, in 2009, if the primary education net enrolment rate was 85.1% and the
secondary school net enrolment rate was 60%.
Figure 14 shows a marked tendency towards the decrease of net enrolment in primary
education between 2005 (94.4%) and 2009 (85.1%), which is quite worrying. On the contrary, the
secondary school net enrolment rate has slowly increased between 2001 (51.7%) and 2009 (60%).
However, it remains low and not all pupils succeed completing secondary school. Hence, education
remains a great challenge for Paraguay in spite of the efforts made.
FIGURE 14
NET ENROLMENT RATES IN PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOL, 2001-2009
(Percentage)
120
100

97,1

95,2

94,5

93,9

92,6

94,4

90,1

87,5

85,1

80
60

56,8
51,7

53,2

57,5

54,6

57,8

58,4

59,6

60

40
20
0
2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

Schooling net rate in primary school

2006

2007

2008

2009

Schooling net rate in secondary school

Source: Prepared by the authors on the basis of Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
(ECLAC)-Data Base, CEPALSTAT [online] http://websie.eclac.cl/infest/ajax/cepalstat.asp?carpeta=estadisticas.

Finally, access to tertiary education (university) is quite close to the regional average.
According to ECLAC, in 2009 the net enrolment rate for tertiary education in Paraguay was 30.2% for
men and 43.2% for women, while the regional average was 32.9% for men and 41.5% for women.

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VII. The protection of employment in Paraguay

The decent labour agenda has become a challenge for Latin American countries and Paraguay is no
exception. In Paraguay, in 2006, around 59.9% of the employed population lived in poverty, and
24.9% in extreme poverty (ECLAC, 2008).
The establishment of a minimum wage is supposed to be a protection instrument to guarantee
decent labour and life conditions. Since 1943 Paraguay has a particular wage system made of a
general minimum wage (for non specified activities) fixed by the National Commission for Minimum
Wages (Comisión Nacional de Salarios Mínimos, CONASAM) and an important number of minimum
wages for specific activities. The high level of the minimum wage (around US $394 per month in
2011) creates a situation where in practice the minimum wage does not protect workers against
poverty, mainly because it is not respected by the employers that consider it more as a ceiling wage. In
Paraguay, 61.6% of rural workers receive less than the minimum wage
The Ñamba’apo Paraguay programme, part of the Sâso Pyahu system, has been implemented
to promote decent labour and improve labour skills for people living in poverty and extreme poverty.
The programme, which started in 2010, is focused on the population in situation of socio-economic
vulnerability and unemployment or under-employment. The programme includes both training actions
for the unemployed and a non-contributory assistance grant called employment promotion insurance
(Seguro de fomento al empleo). The programme offers public transitory jobs for nine months which
are complemented by the attendance to literacy or training courses. The beneficiaries have to fulfil
attendance to labour activities in public interest sectors for six hours a day and four days a week. It is
estimated that the programme will cover 15,000 persons by 2012, but there is no information about the
effective coverage of the programme at the moment. The budget for
Ñamba’apo in 2012 is
US$ 757,854, totally funded by the State (Social Cabinet of Presidency website).

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VIII. Final remarks

Since the transition to democracy, Paraguay has made considerable progress in confronting poverty and
social inequality. The fact that poverty became a major issue in the public agenda since the beginning of
the 1990s has furthered the development of social protection and promotion programmes. Clearly, these
do not have a universal coverage, but rather have been focused on the poorest.
During the past years, in particular, the government has aimed to cover the multiple aspects of
poverty. The implementation of programmes has focused not only on education, health and pensions, but
also on youth, employment protection and housing, showing a new approach to poverty and vulnerability.
Education is the sector where the State has invests more, but there are still great challenges in
terms of enrolment, as primary school rates are going down, instead of increasing, and secondary
school enrolment rates are quite low. However, the reduction of inequalities in attendance rates
between male and female students must be acknowledged.
The strengthening of social security policies and CCT programmes also attests a notable
progress in the efforts to improve social development in the country. Yet, although the coverage of
CCT programmes has increased in an important way since 2008, the coverage of the population is still
limited, and actually it is the lowest of Latin America (Cecchini and Madariaga, 2011, p.105).
Moreover, non-contributory pensions only cover the Chacos war veterans.
Paraguay also faces serious challenges with respect to the coverage of health, which is also
among the lowest of the region. Public health does not have a universal coverage and does not cover
the non-insured population’s necessities and demands when confronted to a situation of illness or
accident. This situation highlights the persistent social and economic inequalities that remain in the
country, which are deepened by geographical gaps between rural and urban areas (in terms of access
to sanitation services and hospitals) and ethnic inequalities between indigenous peoples –that suffer
considerably more from child malnutrition and mortality– and non-indigenous persons.
Hence, the universal fulfilment of social rights is still quite far to be reached and constitutes a
great debt for Paraguay. This is due in part to the lack of economic resources to implement social
protection measures, but also to the deficit of coordination and articulation between different public
institutions devoted to social policy. As a result, it is unlikely that Paraguay will achieve the
Millennium Development Goals (MDG) by 2015, in particular MDG1 on poverty and hunger and
MDG5 on maternal health.

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</dcvalue>
</dublin_core>
